Drill 30 ยท Multiple Choice ยท Unit 9: Globalization
AP World History Cross-Unit Drill 30 is a Multiple Choice practice drill covering Unit 9: Globalization. It contains 5 original questions created by Brian Stewart, a Barron's test prep author with over 20 years of tutoring experience.
This final drill is a cross-unit synthesis drill drawing on themes from across all nine units of AP World History Modern. Read the passage carefully and draw on your knowledge of the full course to answer all five questions.
Adapted from a modern historian's account.
"If there is a single thread running through world history from 1200 to the present, it is the recurring tension between the impulse to connect and the impulse to control. Trade networks, religious missions, imperial conquests, colonial enterprises, and digital platforms have all extended the reach of human interaction across distance. But each expansion of connection has also produced new mechanisms of control, over labor, over belief, over markets, over information. The Silk Roads moved silk and spices and also spread plague and religion. The Atlantic system moved goods and also moved millions of enslaved people. Industrial capitalism linked distant economies and also concentrated wealth with devastating inequality. The internet connected the world's information and also enabled surveillance and manipulation. Connection and control are not opposites. They are, in world history, inseparable partners."
Question 1. Which of the following best states the historian's central argument?
Explanation: C is correct. The historian's explicit conclusion states: "Connection and control are not opposites. They are, in world history, inseparable partners." Every example in the passage shows this dual nature: Silk Roads โ connection + plague/religion spread; Atlantic system โ goods + enslaved people; industrial capitalism โ linked economies + concentrated wealth; internet โ shared information + surveillance. The argument is structural, not that history is good or bad, progressive or regressive, but that connection always generates new forms of control. A is wrong, the historian explicitly rejects a progressive narrative; new forms of control accompany every expansion of connection. B is wrong, the historian presents multiple drivers (trade, religion, empire, capitalism, technology) and argues they share a structural pattern, not that conquest dominates all others. D is wrong, the historian does not argue technology is the primary driver; the passage spans religious missions, trade networks, imperial conquests, and digital platforms as diverse mechanisms producing the same pattern.
Question 2. The historian's argument that connection and control are "inseparable partners" would be most effectively challenged by evidence that
Explanation: D is correct. The historian claims connection and control are always inseparable, that every expansion of connection generates new control mechanisms. The most effective challenge would be a genuine historical counterexample: a case where connection expanded without producing new control, or where it actively dismantled existing control without replacement. The spread of scientific knowledge and Enlightenment ideas in the 18th century is one plausible candidate, if knowledge spread reduced superstition, religious coercion, and arbitrary state power without generating equivalent new controls, that would challenge the universal claim. A is wrong, this example confirms rather than challenges the argument: the Silk Roads produced both connection and control (disease spread, religious conversion). B is wrong, this also confirms the argument: industrial capitalism produced connection (linked economies) and control (concentrated wealth, labor exploitation). C is wrong, this explicitly supports the argument; the digital revolution is one of the historian's own examples.
Question 3. The historian's example of the Atlantic system moving "goods and also millions of enslaved people" is best contextualized by which broader development?
Explanation: B is correct. The historian frames the Atlantic system as producing both goods-movement (connection) and slave-movement (control). The contextual explanation for why enslaved people were the mechanism of control is the plantation economy's specific labor demands. Sugar, tobacco, and later cotton cultivation required large, disciplined, year-round workforces in tropical climates where European labor was unavailable, indigenous populations had been decimated by disease, and indentured servitude proved insufficient in scale and permanence. Plantation agriculture's labor demands are what transformed the Atlantic trading system from purely commercial connection into a system also requiring the most extreme form of human control: chattel slavery. A is wrong, the Columbian Exchange explains the agricultural foundations of Atlantic trade but not specifically why enslaved people became the control mechanism within it. C is wrong, mercantilist trade restrictions shaped the direction of Atlantic trade but are not the explanation for why enslaved labor became central to the plantation system. D is wrong, the Catholic Church itself was deeply complicit in Atlantic slavery; the Reformation did not remove a primary anti-slavery voice.
Question 4. The historian argues that "Industrial capitalism linked distant economies and also concentrated wealth with devastating inequality." Which of the following pieces of evidence would most directly support this claim?
Explanation: A is correct. The historian's specific claim has two parts: industrial capitalism linked distant economies (connection) AND concentrated wealth with devastating inequality (control). Evidence that most directly supports both parts would be data showing that even as global economic linkages expanded (rising total output), the benefits were distributed unequally, workers' real wages stagnating despite productivity growth, and global income gaps widening between industrializing and non-industrializing nations. This quantitative evidence directly demonstrates the "concentrated wealth with devastating inequality" part of the claim while the context of industrial expansion confirms the "linked distant economies" part. B is wrong, socialist movements as a response demonstrate that people recognized inequality but do not themselves constitute evidence of the inequality; they are a consequence, not a measure. C is wrong, factory conditions describe the quality of working life but are not the most direct evidence of wealth concentration and inequality, which is an economic distribution claim. D is wrong, trade agreement records demonstrate the "linked distant economies" part but not the "concentrated wealth" part; they would only support half the claim.
Question 5. Based on the historian's framework, which of the following best represents a continuity from the patterns described across all nine units of AP World History Modern?
Explanation: C is correct. The historian's framework identifies inequality between network organizers and network participants as the persistent continuity across all forms of connection-plus-control. This pattern runs through every unit of AP World History Modern: Mongol and merchant elites captured the surplus of Silk Road trade while transport workers and farmers did not; European empires organized Atlantic commerce while enslaved Africans and colonial subjects provided the labor and resources; industrial capitalists organized factory production while workers provided the labor; digital platform companies organize information networks while users provide the data. The specific technology changes across eras but the structural relationship, organizers capturing disproportionate value from networks, persists. A is wrong, religion has not declined consistently; it remains a powerful force in global affairs in the 21st century and has resurged in many regions. B is wrong, the spread of democratic governance has been neither consistent nor universal; authoritarian systems have persisted and expanded in some regions even as democracy spread in others. D is wrong, while technological progress is real, the passage explicitly frames it as producing both connection and control, not as a straightforwardly progressive force; and the historian's argument is about the inequality generated by connection, not a celebration of technological progress.