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AP U.S. History: Period 5 (1844–1877) (Drill 10)

Drill 10 · Multiple Choice · Period 5: 1844–1877

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About This Drill

AP U.S. History: Period 5 (1844–1877) (Drill 10) is a Multiple Choice practice drill covering Period 5: 1844–1877. It contains 5 original questions created by Brian Stewart, a Barron's test prep author with over 20 years of tutoring experience.

This AP U.S. History Period 5 drill uses a modern historian's analysis of Reconstruction. Questions analyze the historian's argument about Reconstruction's failures and achievements, the significance of the Reconstruction Amendments, and broader interpretive frameworks for understanding this period.

Passage

The following is adapted from a modern historian's essay on Reconstruction. Reconstruction was not one thing but many. It was a constitutional revolution, written into the Thirteenth, Fourteenth, and Fifteenth Amendments, the most sweeping redefinition of American citizenship since the founding. It was also a social experiment of remarkable ambition: formerly enslaved people built schools, established churches, entered politics, and negotiated labor contracts as free agents for the first time. But Reconstruction was equally a violent counterrevolution. White supremacist organizations terrorized Black voters and officeholders across the South, and the federal government ultimately chose to abandon its commitment to protecting the civil and political rights of Black Southerners. To understand Reconstruction's failure, we must resist the temptation to see it as inevitable. It failed because specific people made specific choices, choices that could have been made differently.

Questions & Explanations

Question 1. The historian's argument that Reconstruction 'failed because specific people made specific choices' most directly challenges which of the following historical interpretations?

  • A) the argument that the constitutional amendments of Reconstruction were primarily symbolic gestures that had no meaningful effect on Black Americans' lives as the source shows
  • B) the Dunning School interpretation that Reconstruction was a corrupt and misguided imposition on a defeated South that justifiably resisted it
  • C) the revisionist interpretation that Reconstruction represented a genuine but incomplete effort to extend democratic rights to formerly enslaved people
  • D) the view that Reconstruction's failure was structurally inevitable given the depth of white racial hostility and the limited power of the federal government ✓

Explanation: Choice D is correct. The historian explicitly states that we must 'resist the temptation to see it as inevitable.' This directly challenges interpretations that treat Reconstruction's failure as structurally predetermined by deep-rooted racism or federal limitations, arguing instead that contingent human choices, not inevitable structural forces, determined the outcome. Choice B is incorrect. The Dunning School celebrated Reconstruction's failure and justified white resistance. The historian's argument is not primarily a response to this view; he is engaging with historians who accept that Reconstruction was worth doing but treat its failure as inevitable. Choice C is incorrect. The historian's argument is broadly consistent with the revisionist interpretation, not a challenge to it. He agrees that Reconstruction was a genuine and ambitious project; his addition is the emphasis on contingency and choice. Choice A is incorrect. The historian explicitly describes Reconstruction as 'a constitutional revolution' and a 'social experiment of remarkable ambition,' directly contradicting the view that it was merely symbolic. He is not engaging with this position.

Question 2. The historian's description of Reconstruction as simultaneously 'a constitutional revolution' and 'a violent counterrevolution' primarily serves to

  • A) argue that the constitutional amendments of Reconstruction were undermined from the moment of their ratification by an equally powerful movement of white resistance
  • B) suggest that the federal government deliberately designed Reconstruction policies to fail in order to appease white Southern voters
  • C) capture the contradictory nature of Reconstruction as a period in which dramatic legal progress and systematic violent repression occurred simultaneously ✓
  • D) demonstrate that Black Southerners were passive victims of both federal policy and white violence, unable to shape the outcomes of Reconstruction

Explanation: Choice C is correct. The historian uses this pairing to convey the simultaneous reality of Reconstruction: extraordinary constitutional and social progress happening at the same time as organized terror and counterrevolution. This dual characterization captures the period's complexity better than either a purely triumphalist or purely defeatist narrative. Choice A is incorrect. The historian does not argue that the amendments were undermined from the moment of ratification. His argument is more nuanced, that Reconstruction had genuine achievements that were ultimately destroyed by choices made by specific people over time. Choice B is incorrect. The historian does not argue that the federal government deliberately designed policies to fail. He argues the opposite, that failure resulted from choices that 'could have been made differently,' implying the federal government could have sustained its commitment. Choice D is incorrect. The historian explicitly describes Black Southerners as active agents, building schools, establishing churches, entering politics, negotiating contracts. He is directly countering the narrative of Black passivity.

Question 3. The 'white supremacist organizations' that the historian describes as terrorizing Black voters most directly refers to

  • A) the Black Codes passed by Southern state legislatures in 1865–1866, which restricted the freedom and economic opportunity of formerly enslaved people
  • B) the Ku Klux Klan and similar paramilitary groups that used murder, arson, and intimidation to suppress Black political participation across the South ✓
  • C) the Democratic Party's 'Redeemer' governments that swept into power across Southern states after 1877 and dismantled Reconstruction legislation
  • D) Southern plantation owners who used debt peonage and sharecropping contracts to maintain economic control over Black agricultural laborers

Explanation: Choice B is correct. The Ku Klux Klan, founded in 1865, and similar organizations like the White League and the Red Shirts were the primary white supremacist paramilitary groups that used systematic terror, including murder, whipping, arson, and intimidation, to suppress Black voting and destroy Republican governance in the South during Reconstruction. Choice A is incorrect. The Black Codes were legislative restrictions passed by state governments, not organizations. They represent a different form of white supremacist repression, legal rather than paramilitary, though both were part of the broader counterrevolution the historian describes. Choice C is incorrect. The Redeemer governments were the political outcome of the counterrevolution, not the paramilitary organizations that carried it out. They came to power after the terror campaigns had largely succeeded in suppressing Black political participation. Choice D is incorrect. Sharecropping and debt peonage were economic forms of control, not organizational terror. While they were part of the broader system of racial oppression, the historian's specific reference to terrorizing voters points to paramilitary violence, not economic coercion.

Question 4. The federal government's decision to 'abandon its commitment to protecting the civil and political rights of Black Southerners' that the historian references most directly reflects which of the following developments?

  • A) the Supreme Court's ruling in Plessy v. Ferguson (1896), which established the legal doctrine of 'separate but equal' and sanctioned racial segregation
  • B) the passage of the Civil Rights Act of 1875, which Congress passed as a final gesture of Reconstruction commitment before withdrawing federal troops from the South in the period shown
  • C) the Compromise of 1877, in which Republicans agreed to withdraw federal troops from the South in exchange for Southern Democratic acceptance of Rutherford Hayes's election ✓
  • D) the ratification of the Fifteenth Amendment in 1870, which guaranteed Black men the right to vote but provided no federal enforcement mechanism

Explanation: Choice C is correct. The Compromise of 1877 is the event historians most directly associate with the federal abandonment of Reconstruction. As part of the deal that resolved the disputed 1876 presidential election in Hayes's favor, Republicans agreed to withdraw the remaining federal troops from the South, effectively ending federal protection of Black civil and political rights and allowing Redeemer governments to complete their dismantling of Reconstruction. Choice A is incorrect. Plessy v. Ferguson (1896) came nearly twenty years after the end of Reconstruction and was a consequence of, not the cause of, the federal abandonment the historian describes. It legally sanctioned what had already become the social reality. Choice B is incorrect. The Civil Rights Act of 1875 was passed as a Reconstruction-era measure, not as a farewell gesture accompanying troop withdrawal. Troops were withdrawn in 1877, two years after the act was passed, and the act itself was struck down by the Supreme Court in 1883. Choice D is incorrect. The Fifteenth Amendment (1870) was part of Reconstruction's constitutional revolution, not evidence of abandonment. Congress did pass enforcement legislation (the Enforcement Acts of 1870–1871) to give the amendment teeth, though enforcement was ultimately abandoned in the mid-1870s.

Question 5. Which of the following most directly occurred in the decades following the end of Reconstruction, consistent with the pattern the historian describes?

  • A) the gradual expansion of Black political participation in the South as economic conditions improved under the New South industrial economy
  • B) the systematic disenfranchisement of Black voters across the South through poll taxes, literacy tests, grandfather clauses, and white primaries ✓
  • C) the federal government's renewed commitment to civil rights enforcement following a series of Supreme Court decisions upholding the Reconstruction amendments
  • D) the migration of formerly enslaved people to Northern cities, where they established economically prosperous and politically active communities

Explanation: Choice B is correct. Following the end of Reconstruction, Southern states systematically dismantled Black political participation through a comprehensive array of legal mechanisms: poll taxes, literacy tests, grandfather clauses, white primaries, and the ever-present threat of violence. By 1900, Black voter registration in the South had been reduced to a tiny fraction of what it had been during Reconstruction, directly confirming the historian's narrative of violent counterrevolution and federal abandonment. Choice A is incorrect. Black political participation did not expand under the New South economy; it collapsed. The New South industrial economy was built on racial hierarchy and depended on the suppression of Black political power. Choice C is incorrect. The Supreme Court in the late nineteenth century consistently narrowed the reach of the Reconstruction amendments rather than upholding them. Cases like the Slaughterhouse Cases (1873), United States v. Cruikshank (1876), and Civil Rights Cases (1883) gutted federal civil rights enforcement. Choice D is incorrect. The Great Migration of Black Southerners to Northern cities primarily occurred in the twentieth century, during and after World War I, not in the decades immediately following Reconstruction. In the post-Reconstruction era, most Black Southerners remained in the South under increasingly oppressive conditions.